“Is it just me, or does it seem like Pope Leo XIV won’t stop talking about religion? He’s all ‘the Gospel says this’ and ‘Jesus taught us that’ – dude, we get it, you’re head of the worldwide Roman Catholic Church. But does that really make you an expert? As our Catholic Vice President JD Vance, who has a book coming out on his conversion to Catholicism, said, ‘I think it’s very, very important for the pope to be careful when he talks about matters of theology.’ Exactly. Vance has been a Catholic since 2019, the year Lil Nas X’s ‘Old Town Road’ hit No. 1 on the Billboard Hot 100 chart, so I’d take his warning seriously, Pope. He’s seven years deep into the Catholic faith – you don’t wanna mess with him. He’s part of the new Catholicism, the one that’s afraid to say ‘transubstantiation’ because it sounds woke and has ‘trans’ in it.” (04/15/26)
“Orbán’s loss doesn’t mean the authoritarian impulse is spent in Hungary or anywhere else. Magyar is a former Fidesz insider, and the system Orbán built doesn’t disappear the morning after an election. Brussels and the new Magyar government shouldn’t underestimate the resistance of the Orbán system and its entrenched members across government institutions. The Kremlin loses an important ally inside the EU. Ukraine may finally see Hungary’s veto on EU support lifted. These are real consequences worth acknowledging. All this said, the lesson here isn’t really about Hungary. It’s about what happens when a population finally gets tired of being told the looting is governance and the propaganda is journalism.” (04/15/26)
“Eric Swalwell was Nancy Pelosi’s made man, the golden child of San Francisco’s rotten machine politics. Today he’s roadkill, his name erased from the sign outside his congressional office, vultures feasting on his remains. Swalwell’s clinical political eradication this week tells you everything about the Democratic Party and how ruthlessly and efficiently it will move to keep power in the state it has controlled for 15 years and run into the ground.” (04/15/26)
“Every country, from the best to the worst, has a ruling party that can (and does) try some undemocratic things, but is too afraid to try others. Democracy versus dictatorship is a spectrum, not a binary choice. … But some of the people demanding that Orban critics apologize don’t seem to just be mincing words. They seem to be implicitly denying the spectrum concept of democratic backsliding at all, arguing that if it’s possible to lose an election, past concerns must have been misplaced and retroactively embarrassing for the concern-holder.” (04/15/26)
“President Trump’s second term has been nothing if not a laundry list of broken promises. But few Americans have suffered more from Trump’s deceptions than the nation’s struggling farmers. … Trump captured 62 percent of the rural vote in 2024, 4 points better than his performance in 2020, based largely on promises to lavish prosperity (and federal money) on small farms on the verge of collapse. Like so many Trump promises, the help never arrived.” (04/15/26)
“Elie Wiesel is often credited with the observation that the opposite of love is not hate but indifference. Indifference is clearly not morally neutral. To respond with indifference when love and concern are due is a sign that something has gone wrong — whether it’s a voluntary fault and thus immoral, or something involuntary and inculpable. But indifference in such cases is never something to praise or, worse, advocate for. Yet that is just what Vance consistently does. He is not alone in this. A growing current on the right has explicitly reframed indifference as a virtue — denouncing empathy toward immigrants, refugees, and foreign peoples as ‘suicidal,’ manipulative, or simply naive.” (04/15/26)
“There are three well-known, and well-trodden, families of explanation for the emergence of right-wing populism. There is the economic story: deindustrialization, stagnant wages, the hollowing out of the working class. The cultural story: immigration, demographic change, the anxiety of losing a familiar world. And the institutional/technological story: declining trust in democratic norms, the fragmentation of media, the algorithmic amplification of outrage. None of these, however, explain why this moment has coalesced not around a particular program or a set of policies but around a similar character type: the swaggering, transgressive, dominance-performing strongman.” (04/15/26)
“Kentucky’s next generation deserved better from this legislative session. For two years, Kentucky’s Housing Task Force built a record, heard from builders, experts, local officials, and families struggling to afford a place to live. Ultimately, the task force embraced recommendations advanced by the Bluegrass Institute last year. … Legislation that was one concurrence away from final passage would have altered the housing marketplace to make homes more affordable, enhance Kentuckians’ property rights, clear away needless regulatory barriers, and give developers greater confidence to undertake projects. Kentucky lawmakers couldn’t get the job done, and that failure carries real consequences for young people across our commonwealth.” (04/15/26)
“Ronald Reagan’s budget director, David Stockman, spoke candidly years ago about why Republicans like tax cuts so much. In his 1986 book, The Triumph of Politics: Why the Reagan Revolution Failed, he confided that tax cuts served the purpose of creating budget deficits that could then be used to justify spending cuts on government programs. Typically, administrations only cut spending for a program if it’s no longer necessary, and the resultant surplus may then be used as a tax cut to stimulate the economy. However, Stockman turned this on its head by using the tax cuts to create a budgetary crisis that would then require cuts in spending regardless of whether the programs were necessary or not. In other words, Stockman used tax cuts to create a revenue problem that the Reagan administration could then mask as a spending problem. This is known as ‘starving the beast’.” (04/16/26)
“When yet another air conditioner in her apartment building broke down in early March, Heather Myatt braced herself and began her usual beeline for the property manager’s office. For more than a year, Myatt and her neighbors have been waging a war to secure long-overdue repairs at Maple Grove Apartments, an income-restricted building in Brandenburg, KY. Being ignored had become routine for the tenants of Maple Grove; last summer, an elderly resident whose AC had been broken for two years, despite regular complaints to the building’s landlord, reportedly collapsed from the heat. But now, for the first time, Myatt knew her demand might actually be heard. ‘Y’all really don’t want to be violating this contract already,’ Myatt, a proud mother of two, recalls telling the property manager. ‘You have 24 hours to respond, or that’s a breach. You put it on this paper. You just signed it. Keep your word.'” (04/16/26)
